Irish Neutrality
Introduction
Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Ireland has decided to remain neutral, despite Russia
having violated Ireland’s ‘Exclusive Economic Zone’,[1] threatened our wildlife,[2] and our
economy, and even threatened the use of nuclear weapons on Ireland, a threat which was aired on Russian National Television.[3] In this article, I will use Journal Articles, Conventions, Treaties, Constitutions, and statistics to show that Ireland should hold a referendum in the near future to abolish the concept of neutrality, paving the way for a protected Éire for our future generations.
As part of this article, I will discuss the definition of Irish neutrality, why it was introduced and
why we still have it. I will discuss why Ireland has come under pressure in modern history,
as well as currently existing protection measures. I will set forth an argument for joining NATO, or at the very least, the new EU Strategic Compass programme.[4] I will discuss Ireland's lack of a substantial defence force, and how that has influenced Russia’s decision to target Ireland during the recent conflict with Ukraine, the latest being the personal sanctions placed on members of the Irish Government by the Russian Federation.[5] I will emphasise the need for Ireland to cement her place on the world stage as a force to be reckoned with, both politically and militarily.
Historical Meaning of Neutrality
Ireland has always presented herself as a militarily neutral country to the rest of the world.[6] This was primarily, like many policy decisions from the 1920s to the 1950s, to distinguish ourselves from the UK. We decided not to be aligned with Britain, or anybody else for that matter.
Ireland’s neutrality extends to our non-participation in the 120-country ‘Non-Aligned Movement.’[7] In Ireland, the principle has always been regarded as quasi-sacred. In 1960, an amendment to the Defence Act introduced a triple-lock on the involvement of the country in a war.[8] The Government, then the Dáil, and then the UN Security Council or General Assembly must approve of our involvement prior to any action being taken.[9]
Concepts of Neutrality
When comparing Ireland with other neutral EU nations, we can identify some key differences.
Finland spent €6.3 billion on defence in 2022, has 23,800 active personnel in peacetime, and
has mandatory conscription for males between the ages of 18 and 29.[10] Switzerland, by
comparison, spent €5.9 billion on defence in 2022, has 24,000 active personnel in peacetime,
and has mandatory conscription for male between theagesof 18 and 30.[11] Ireland, by contrast,
spent €1.1 billion on defence in 2022, has only 8,700 active personnel in peacetime, and has
no conscription.[12] We spend most of our defence budget on developing the Army division of
Óglaigh na hÉireann, resulting in only 15 planes and 10 helicopters for our Air Corps
division.[13] We have invested in no modern fighter jets or long-range carriers for this service and have a grand total of 8 naval vessels for our Navy.[14] Ireland, even though she calls herself
neutral, spends very little on the defence of her homeland.
The reason why is an interesting one. We assume that we can afford to spend little on the
defence of our territorial waters and airspace because, if we are attacked, America and the UK
will come to our defence.[15] This is a dangerous assumption to make in a changing global climate. Earlier this year, we had a threat of Russian warships carrying out naval exercises in the exclusive Irish economic zone, and Ireland couldn’t even track the exercise, let alone stop them due to a lack of active military radar systems.[16] We hold a strategic position in the North Atlantic, around major air and sea lines, and we can do nothing to defend them.[17] Because of this, the Irish Government reached a secret agreement with the RAF to allow them to protect our skies,[18] as the UK knew we couldn’t do this ourselves.[19] Ireland not being able to defend her skies presents a possible threat to the UK of a hijacking or a military invasion. The strict definition of neutrality is outlined in the 1907 Hague Convention V.[20] It says that in order to be considered neutral, you must be able to defend that neutrality. How can we, in good conscience, call ourselves neutral when a foreign power is responsible for protecting our skies? We cannot do that without a huge increase in defence spending and a number of other provisions akin to the steps taken by some of the other neutral European nations.
The same convention states that, in wartime, a neutral state must not support any of the combatants in a war. We didn’t do this during the Second World War when we allowed Allied forces to use our ports and fly through our airspace, and we are not doing it now with in the Russo-Ukrainian war, as we are training the Ukrainian forces in the removal of landmines,[21] as well as placing economic sanctions on Russia.[22]
Modern Pressures
Ireland’s involvement in the Iraq war caused some waves in the country, especially among
neutrality advocates. Ireland, then a member of the UN Security Council, voted Yes to
Resolution 1441,[23] threatening Iraq with serious consequences if it did not comply with
weapons inspectors. DPP v Kelly[24] saw a woman sentenced to imprisonment for 2 years,
suspended for four, in 2004, for taking an axe to a US Navy plane parked at Shannon Airport,
bound for Iraq. She caused €1.1 million in damages, and maintained that she did it “to prevent
it from going to Iraq, to prevent the killing of innocent Iraqi people.”[25] However, on appeal,
her conviction was quashed, as the jury had not been instructed correctly as to the significance
of the amendment of the Act under which she was charged.
The Irish people rejected the Treaty of Lisbon in a referendum, on the basis that it threatened
Ireland’s sovereignty and neutrality.[26] On reassurance that it wouldn’t, the people agreed, and
now, in our constitution, Article 29.4.9[27] states that Ireland will not partake in any Common
Defence and Security Policies introduced by the Treaty. This isolated us from Europe at the
time of the vote and continues to isolate us even now, as the EU establishes it’s Strategic
Compass plan.
In more recent history, the Russo-Ukrainian war has resulted in a huge push across the
EU to establish a common defence policy, or in more crude
Terms, a ‘European Army.’[28]
In March 2022, the EUintroduced their StrategicCompass plan, aplan to defend Europe
against foreign threats and to increase the military capability of Europe by 2030. In Ireland,
we cannot get involved in this plan without changing our policy on neutrality, which puts us at
a disadvantage in the event of an attack on Europe. In the future, as Europe becomes more
integrated, it could result in a dilemma for Ireland. We could be faced with a decision of
abandoning neutrality to remain in the Union, or staying neutral, which could force Ireland to
leave the EU. We even see it now, as the lack of a substantial Irish military
capability allowed Russia the opportunity to send their naval warships into the Exclusive
Economic Zone around Ireland to conduct training exercises.[29] Because we have no substantial
navy, Irish fishermen went out and deterred the Russians. It worked, the Russians moved their
exercises, but it made a laughingstock of the Irish Defence Forces on a global stage, as the
story was carried on CNN,[30] MSNBC,[31] and Sky News.[32] If we had spent more on defence,
we could’ve shown that Ireland can stand up for herself. We should not be presenting ourselves as a nation that must rely on their fishermen to resolve an international dispute.
Furthermore, this year we have already seen the movement away from neutrality in Europe.
Finland’s parliament voted to join NATO,[33] and Switzerland imposed historical economic
sanctions on Russia, breaking it’s centuries-long tradition of neutrality.[34] These countries
already spend more on defence than us, and now have realised the benefits of joining a
defensive organisation. I will reiterate Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, “An attack on one is an attack on all”.[35]
Conclusion
Without defending the actions of nations such as Russia or suggesting that we align ourselves
with their political stances, Irish neutrality policies are in need of reform. We are already leaning towards a Western-aligned military, so why keep up the false pretences? Currently, by maintaining an attitude of neutrality, while still contributing to NATO-led missions, the government of Ireland are giving NATO what they want, without reaping the benefits of Article 5.[36] If we publicly contributed to NATO, we would be able to do so. We would also be able to contribute to the European Common Security Policies, and become more integrated in the EU. In a study carried out across the EU, more than half of all respondents would like to see European legislatures make decisions on defence,[37] and 46% support the creation of a European Army.[38] I think it is in the best interests of our country to vote on the matter, and it has to happen soon. To secure our nation for future generations, the matter must be dealt with now. The concept of strength in numbers has existed since the time of the caveman, and it has never rung truer than today.
[1] Niamh Kennedy & James Frater, ‘Russian naval exercises off Ireland’s coast ‘not welcome,’ says Foreign Minister’ Cable News Network - CNN (Atlanta, 24 January 2022).
[2] BBC, ‘Russian Military Exercise off Irish coast a ‘threat to whales’ BBC (London, 29 January 2022).
[3] Conor Gallagher, ‘Russian State TV shows clips simulating Ireland being wiped out by nuclear weapons’ The Irish Times (Dublin, 2 May 2022).
[4] Strategic Communications, A Strategic Compass for Security and Defence (European External Action Service, 24 March 2022) .
[5] Sergey Lavrov, The Foreign Ministry’s Statement on personal sanctions on Irish Government Members and Politicians (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, 16 November 2022).
[6] Department of Foreign Affairs, Ireland’s Policy of Neutrality (DFA, 2022)
[7] World Data, ‘Member States of the Non-Aligned Movement’ (worlddata.info, 2022) https://www.worlddata.info/alliances/non-aligned-movement.php.
[8] Defence (Amendment) Act 1960.
[9] Department of Defence, Green Paper on Defence (Department of Defence, July 2013).
[10] Global Firepower, ‘2022 Finland Military Strength’ (globalfirepower.com, 2022) https://www.globalfirepower.com/country-military-strength-detail.php?country_id=finland.
[11] Global Firepower ‘2022 Switzerland Military Strength’ (globalfirepower.com, 2022) https://www.globalfirepower.com/country-military-strength-detail.php?country_id=switzerland.
[12] Global Firepower ‘2022 Ireland Military Strength’ (globalfirepower.com, 2022) https://www.globalfirepower.com/country-military-strength-detail.php?country_id=ireland.
[13] Óglaigh na hÉireann, ‘Air Corps Fleet’, (military.ie, 2022) Air Corps Careers - Defence Forces (military.ie)
[14] Óglaigh na hÉireann, ‘The Fleet’ (military.ie, 2022).
[15] Senan Moloney, ‘‘This should be a wake up call’ – Varadkar says Ireland can’t assume Britain or US ‘will come and save us’ in event of attack’, The Irish Independent (Dublin, 3 March 2022).
[16] Conor Gallagher, ‘Defence spending: Military radar and training aircraft to be acquired’ The Irish Times (Dublin, 27 September 2022).
[17] TeleGeography, ‘Submarine Cable Map’ (AquaComms, 15 December 2022) Available at https://www.submarinecablemap.com.
[18] Paul Williams, ‘Secret defence pact allowing RAF jets in Irish airspace ‘undermines our neutrality’, says TD Berry’ The Irish Independent (Dublin, 11 June 2021).
[19] Ciaran Brennan, ‘State sued over alleged secret deal for RAF to patrol Irish airspace’ The Irish Examiner (Dublin, 13 September 2022) also see George Allison, ‘Why do British jets ‘protect’ Irish airspace?’ UK Defence Journal (Glasgow, 10 March 2020).
[20] Hague Convention (V) respecting the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons in Case of War on Land. The Hague, 18 October 1907.
[21] Gabija Gataveckaite, ‘Russian ambassador says State would be getting involved in war in Ukraine ‘in a direct way’ by assisting landmines clearance’ The Irish Independent (Dublin, 27 October 2022).
[22] Department of Foreign Affairs, Information on sanctions in respect of the situation in Ukraine (DFA, 6 October 2022).
[23] S/RES/1441 (2002).
[24] DPP v Kelly [2011] IECCA 25, [2011] 2 JIC 2503.
[25] Ibid, pg 2.
[26] Cathal Bruga, ‘Why Ireland rejected the Lisbon Treaty’ (2008) 8 Journal of Public Affairs 303.
[27] Bunreacht na hÉireann, Article 29.4.9°.
[28] Elisabeth Braw, ‘Is an EU Army Coming?’ Foreign Policy (Washington D.C., 20 March 2022)
[29] Niamh Kennedy & James Frater, ‘Russian naval exercises off Ireland’s coast ‘not welcome,’ says Foreign Minister’ CNN (Atlanta, 24 January 2022).
[30] Donie O’Sullivan and Jo Shelley, ‘How a group of Irish fishermen forced the Russian Navy into a U-turn’ CNN (Atlanta, 31 January 2022).
[31] Rachel Maddow, ‘Stalwart Irish Fishermen Uncowed by Russian Threats and Diplomatic Games’ MSNBC (New York, 28 January 2022).
[32] Stephen Murphy, ‘Victory for defiant Irish fishermen as Russia agrees to move its war games from their patch’ Sky News (London, 30 January 2022).
[33] Elin Hofverberg, ‘Finland: Parliament Votes to Join NATO’, Library of Congress (Washington D.C., 17 May 2022).
[34] Global Sanctions Team, ‘Switzerland implements further sanctions in connection with the situation in Ukraine’ White & Case (New York, 8 November 2022).
[35] North Atlantic Treaty 1949, Article 5.
[36] ibid.
[37] European Commission, ‘Making the European elections more democratic and boosting participation – Ground is prepared, say two Commission reports’, ec.europa.eu, (Brussels, 27 March 2014).
[38] Dirk Peters, ‘A Divided Union? Public Opinion and the EU’s Common Foreign, Security and Defence Policy’ (2011) No 19, RECON Online Working Papers Series.